W.H. Tries to Write Al Qaeda Out of Libya Story
The Obama administration appears to be mounting yet another
version of its campaign to push back on claims that it misled on the
intelligence related to the attacks in Benghazi on 9/11/12. But the new
offensive by the administration, which contradicts many of its earlier
claims and simply disregards intelligence that complicates its case, is
raising fresh questions in the intelligence community and on Capitol
Hill about the manipulation of intelligence for political purposes.
The administration's new line takes shape in two articles out Saturday, one in the Los Angeles Times and the other by Washington Post columnist David Ignatius. The Times
piece reports that there is no evidence of an al Qaeda role in the
attack. The Ignatius column makes a directly political argument,
claiming that "the Romney campaign may have misfired with its suggestion
that statements by President Obama and U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice about
the Benghazi attacks weren't supported by intelligence, according to
documents provided by a senior intelligence official."
If this is the best the Obama administration can offer in its defense, they're in trouble. The Times story is almost certainly wrong and the central part of the Ignatius "scoop" isn't a scoop at all. We'll start there.
David Ignatius, a reporter's columnist with excellent sources
in the Obama administration and the intelligence community, reports:
"Talking points" prepared by the CIA on Sept. 15, the same day that Rice
taped three television appearances, support her description of the Sept
11 attack on the U.S. consulate as a reaction to the Arab anger about
an anti-Muslim video prepared in the United States. According to the CIA
account, "The currently available information suggests that the
demonstrations in Benghazi were spontaneously inspired by the protests
at the US Embassy in Cairo and evolved into a direct assault against the
US consulate and subsequently into its annex. There are indications
that extremists participated in the violent demonstrations."
There are two problems with this. The CIA "talking
points" don't say that what Ignatius claims and the supposedly
exculpatory documents were first reported three weeks ago.
On October 1, Newsweek's Eli Lake
reported: "For eight days after the attacks on the US consulate in
Benghazi, government officials said the attacks were a spontaneous
reaction to an anti-Islam film. Now that officials have acknowledged
they were a premeditated act of terrorism, the question some members of
Congress are trying to answer is why it took so long for the truth to
come out. Unclassified documents from the Central Intelligence Agency
suggest the answer may have to do with so-called talking points written
by the CIA and distributed to members of Congress and other government
officials, including Susan Rice, the US Ambassador to the United
Nations. The documents, distributed three days after the attacks that
killed Ambassador Chris Stevens, said the events were spontaneous."
Lake continued, quoting directly from the CIA
talking points, in language that may sound familiar to anyone who read
the third paragraph above: "The currently available information suggests
that the demonstrations in Benghazi were spontaneously inspired by the
protests at the US Embassy in Cairo and evolved into a direct assault
against the US diplomatic post in Benghazi and subsequently its annex.
There are indications that extremists participated in the
demonstrations." Both the Ignatius and Lake versions of the talking
points note that the "assessment may change as additional information is
collected" and that the "investigation is on-going."
Note that the "talking points" do not claim that
the attackers in Benghazi were directly motivated by the film, something
the Obama administration claimed for nearly two weeks after 9/11. The
talking points only say that the "demonstrations in Benghazi were
spontaneously inspired" by Cairo.
We now know, of course, that there were no
demonstrations in Benghazi. Those inside the compound heard gunfire at
9:40 p.m. local time and within minutes the compound was under siege.
Surveillance photos and videos taken in the hours before the attack give
no indication of a protest. And one CIA official tells Ignatius that it
would have been better to substitute "opportunistic" for "spontaneous"
since there was "some pre-coordination but minimal planning."
The "spontaneous" talking point came from an
intercepted telephone call between jihadists, in which one of the
attackers notes that his group had attacked after seeing the
demonstrations in Cairo. U.S. officials familiar with the intelligence
on Benghazi tell THE WEEKLY STANDARD there are two schools of thought on
what that means. The first view is reflected in the administration's
"spontaneous" line. It holds that jihadists in Benghazi saw the
demonstration in Egypt and decided, almost on a whim, to assault the
compound. But the nature of the attack—the weapons, the sequencing, the
coordination—suggests more planning. The attackers flushed Americans
from the compound toward an "annex" two kilometers away. As the
Americans fled, they encountered (and avoided) an attempted ambush on
the route.
The second view is that the demonstrations in Cairo, which followed the release of a video from al Qaeda leader Ayman al Zawahiri on September 10, were seen as something of a "go signal." As we first reported on September 12, the film, in this view, was merely the pretext for an al Qaeda "information operation," and the Zawahiri video, which called directly for renewed jihad and for al Qaeda sympathizers to avenge the death of Abu Yaya al Libi, was intended to trigger protests and assaults throughout the region. Many of those with prominent roles in the protests and assaults—in Egypt, Tunisia, and perhaps Libya—had strong ties to al Qaeda leadership in Pakistan.
The second view is that the demonstrations in Cairo, which followed the release of a video from al Qaeda leader Ayman al Zawahiri on September 10, were seen as something of a "go signal." As we first reported on September 12, the film, in this view, was merely the pretext for an al Qaeda "information operation," and the Zawahiri video, which called directly for renewed jihad and for al Qaeda sympathizers to avenge the death of Abu Yaya al Libi, was intended to trigger protests and assaults throughout the region. Many of those with prominent roles in the protests and assaults—in Egypt, Tunisia, and perhaps Libya—had strong ties to al Qaeda leadership in Pakistan.
Not surprisingly, this view is not popular with an
administration that has built its case for reelection in part on the
notion that "bin Laden is dead" and "al Qaeda is on its heels." Which
leads us to the claims in the Los Angeles Times article that
ran under the heading: "No evidence found of al Qaeda role in Libya
attack." That story begins: "The assault on the US diplomatic mission in
Benghazi last month appears to have been an opportunistic attack rather
than a long-planned operation and intelligence agencies have found no
evidence that it was ordered by al Qaeda, according to US officials and
witnesses interviewed in Libya."
The claim in the headline is not the same as the
claim in the article, of course. It's possible for there to have been
"an Qaeda role" in the attack without it having been directly ordered by
al Qaeda central. And there is, in fact, evidence of some al Qaeda role
in the attack.
The same phone call that the administration had
used to pin its argument that the attack was "spontaneous" also provides
evidence of such al Qaeda involvement. Indeed, as Eli Lake reported three weeks ago:
"In the hours following the 9/11 anniversary attack on the US consulate
in Benghazi, Libya, US intelligence agencies monitored communications
from jihadists affiliated with the group that led the attack and members
of al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), the group's north African
affiliate."
Several of the local jihadists were affiliated
Ansar al Sharia, which has its own ties to al Qaeda. An August report
from the Pentagon's "Combating Terrorism Technical Support Office,"
reported that Ansar al Sharia "has increasingly embodied al Qaeda's
presence in Libya, as indicated by its active propaganda, extremist
discourse, and hatred of the West, especially the United States." One of
the leaders of AAS, a former Guantanamo detainee named Sufyan ben Qumu,
has ties to senior al Qaeda leaders. As Tom Joscelyn first reported,
Qumu's alias was found on the laptop of Mustafa al Hawsawi, an al Qaeda
financier who helped fund the original 9/11 attacks. Qumu is described
"as an al Qaeda member receiving family support."
The other group, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb,
has a more direct relationship with al Qaeda central. As Joscelyn
reported last month, AQIM entered into a "formal alliance" with al Qaeda
in 2006, according to a United Nations report on the group. The
Pentagon's Combating Terrorism study reported: "Al Qaeda affiliates such
as AQIM are also benefiting from the situation in Libya. AQIM will
likely join hands with the al Qaeda clandestine network in Libya to
secure a supply of arms for its areas of operations in northern Mali and
Algeria." The report also notes: "Although no information in open
sources was found regarding the whereabouts of al Qaeda's leadership in
Libya, it is likely that at this point al Qaeda's clandestine network is
run directly by al Qaeda senior leadership in Pakistan."
One thing that has troubled both intelligence
officials and those on Capitol Hill as they have evaluated the
administration's early response to the attacks is what appears to be an
effort to write al Qaeda out of the story. For example, the talking
points first reported by Lake, include this sentence: "There are
indications that extremists participated in the violent demonstrations."
But according to several officials familiar with the original
assessment from which the talking points were derived, the U.S.
intelligence community had reported the fact that these were extremists
with ties to al Qaeda. That key part was omitted.
Why was that language dropped from the talking
points distributed to Congress and Obama administration officials? Did
anyone at the White House or on the National Security Council have any
role in drafting them?
In addition to the intercepts between Ansar al
Sharia jihadists and AQIM, the Associated Press reported Friday that
"the CIA station chief in Libya reported to Washington within hours of
last month's deadly attack on the US consulate that there was evidence
it was carried out by militants, not a spontaneous mob upset about an
American-made video ridiculing Islam's Prophet Muhammad."
As further evidence of the ever-shifting Obama administration narrative, the AP article,
which ran some 24 hours before this latest public relations push, also
reported: "The White House now says the attack was probably carried out
by an al Qaeda-linked group, with no public demonstration beforehand."
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