Saturday, February 23, 2013

Kissinger, Eugenics
And Depopulation

By Leuren Moret
Dr. Henry Kissinger, who wrote: "Depopulation should be the highest priority of U.S. foreign policy towards the Third World."
Research on population control, preventing future births, is now being carried out secretly by biotech companies. Dr. Ignacio Chapela, a University of California microbiologist, discovered that wild corn in remote parts of Mexico is contaminated with lab altered DNA. That discovery made him a threat to the biotech industry.
Chapela was denied tenure at UC Berkeley when he reported this to the scientific community, despite the embarrassing discovery that UC Chancellor Berdahl, who was denying him tenure, was getting large cash payments - $40,000 per year - from the LAM Research Corp. in Plano, Texas.
Berdahl served as president of Texas A&M University before coming to Berkeley. During a presentation about his case, Chapela revealed that a spermicidal corn developed by a U.S. company is now being tested in Mexico. Males who unknowingly eat the corn produce non-viable sperm and are unable to reproduce.
Depopulation, also known as eugenics, is quite another thing and was proposed under the Nazis during World War II. It is the deliberate killing off of large segments of living populations and was proposed for Third World countries under President Carter's administration by the National Security Council's Ad Hoc Group on Population Policy.
National Security Memo 200, dated April 24, 1974, and titled "Implications of world wide population growth for U.S. security & overseas interests," says:
"Dr. Henry Kissinger proposed in his memorandum to the NSC that "depopulation should be the highest priority of U.S. foreign policy towards the Third World." He quoted reasons of national security, and because `(t)he U.S. economy will require large and increasing amounts of minerals from abroad, especially from less-developed countries ... Wherever a lessening of population can increase the prospects for such stability, population policy becomes relevant to resources, supplies and to the economic interests of U.S.
Depopulation policy became the top priority under the NSC agenda, Club of Rome and U.S. policymakers like Gen. Alexander Haig, Cyrus Vance, Ed Muskie and Kissinger. According to an NSC spokesman at the time, the United States shared the view of former World Bank President Robert McNamara that the "population crisis" is a greater threat to U.S. national security interests than nuclear annihilation.In 1975, Henry Kissinger established a policy-planning group in the U.S. State Department's Office of Population Affairs. The depopulation "GLOBAL 2000" document for President Jimmy Carter was prepared.
It is no surprise that this policy was established under President Carter with help from Kissinger and Brzezinski - all with ties to David Rockefeller. The Bush family, the Harriman family - the Wall Street business partners of Bush in financing Hitler - and the Rockefeller family are the elite of the American eugenics movement. Even Prince Philip of Britain, a member of the Bilderberg Group, is in favor of depopulation:
"If I were reincarnated I would wish to be returned to earth as a killer virus to lower human population levels" (Prince Philip Duke of Edinburgh, leader of the World Wildlife Fund, quoted in "Are You Ready for Our New Age Future?" Insiders Report, American Policy Center, December 1995).
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld has been proposing, funding and building Bio-Weapons Level 3 and Level 4 labs at many places around the U.S. even on university campuses and in densely populated urban locations. In a Bio-Weapons Level 4 facility, a single bacteria or virus is lethal. Bio-Weapons Level 4 is the highest level legally allowed in the continental U.S.
For what purpose are these labs being developed, and who will make the decisions on where bio-weapons created in these facilities will be used and on whom? More than 20 world-class microbiologists have been murdered since 2002, mostly in the U.S. and the UK. Nearly all were working on development of ethnic-specific bio-weapons (see Smart Dust, Roboflies &).
Citizens around the U.S. are frantically filing lawsuits to stop these labs on campuses and in communities where they live. Despite the opposition of residents living near UC Davis, where a Bio-Weapons Level 4 lab was planned, it had the support of the towns mayor.
She suddenly reversed her position after a monkey escaped from a high security primate facility on the campus where the bio-weapons lab was proposed. Residents claimed that if UC Davis could not keep monkeys from escaping from their cages, they certainly could not guarantee that a single virus or bacteria would not escape from a test tube. The AWOL monkey killed the project (see Smart Dust, Roboflies&).
Population is a political problem. The extreme secrecy surrounding the takeover of nuclear weapons, NASA and the space program and the development of numerous bio-weapons labs is a threat to civil society, especially in the hands of the military and corporations.
The fascist application of all three of these programs can be used to achieve established U.S. government depopulation policy goals, which may eliminate 2 billion of the worlds existing population through war, famine, disease and any other methods necessary.
Two excellent examples of existing U.S. depopulation policy are, first, the long-term impact on the civilian population from Agent Orange in Vietnam, where the Rockefellers built oil refineries and aluminum plants during the Vietnam War. The second is the permanent contamination of the Middle East and Central Asia with depleted uranium, which, unfortunately, will destroy the genetic future of the populations living in those regions and will also have a global effect already reflected in increases in infant mortality reported in the U.S., Europe, and the UK.
This article appeared as part of a feature in the December 8, 1995 issue of Executive Intelligence Review. See Feature Introduction and Table of Contents.

Control by the Food Cartel Companies:
Profiles and Histories

by Richard Freeman
Here are strategic profiles of 11 of the principal companies that constitute the Anglo-Dutch-Swiss food cartel. The profiles confirm that through multiple forms of concentration, these companies dominate grain, meat, dairy, and other food production, and the processing and distribution system of food, all the way to the supermarket. Very little food moves on the face of the earth without the food cartel having a hand in it.

#1 U.S. grain trader/exporter (25% of market, which is equivalent to Cargill exporting 25.1 million tons or 1.0 billion bushels of grain); #1 world grain trader/exporter (25% of market, which is equivalent to Cargill exporting 52.9 million tons, or 2.11 billion bushels of grain); #1 U.S. owner of grain elevators (340 elevators); #1 world cotton trader; #1 U.S. manufacturer of corn-based high-protein animal feeds (through subsidiary Nutrena Mills); #2 U.S. wet corn miller; #2 U.S. soybean crusher; #2 Argentine grain exporter (10% of market); #3 U.S. flour miller (18% of market); #3 U.S. meatpacker, through Excel division (18% of market); #3 U.S. pork packer/slaughterer; #3 U.S. commercial animal feeder; #3 French grain exporter (15-18% of market); #6 U.S. turkey producer.
Cargill raises 350,000 hogs, 12 million turkeys, and 312 million broiler chickens. In the United States, it owns 420 barges, 11 towboats, 2 huge vessels that sail the Great Lakes, 12 ocean-going ships, 2,000 railroad hopper cars, and 2,000 tank cars.
Cargill and its subsidiaries operate 800 plants. It has 500 U.S. offices, 300 foreign offices. It operates in 60 countries.
History: Shortly after the Civil War, William Cargill, a Scottish immigrant sea merchant, bought his first grain elevator in Conover, Iowa. In 1870, with his brother Sam, William Cargill bought grain elevators all along the Southern Minnesota Railroad, at a time when Minnesota was becoming an important shipping route. But Cargill's biggest break came when he bought elevators along the line of James J. Hill's Great Northern railroad line, which went west of Minneapolis, and into the Red River Valley as far as North Dakota, and also into South Dakota. Hill was the business partner of Ned Harriman (father of Averell Harriman), who became the business agent for England's Queen Victoria's son, Prince Edward, later King Edward VII. Through a preferential rebate system, and other arrangements, Hill's rail line helped build the Cargill operation.
Twice during the twentieth century, the Cargill firm nearly went under. William Cargill, Jr., the son of company founder Will Cargill, made some bad investments in Montana during the first decade of the twentieth century, and between 1909 and 1917, Cargill hovered on the brink of bankruptcy. Some British capital came in to rescue the company. William Cargill, Sr. had a daughter, Edna, who married John MacMillan. The financiers designated John MacMillan and the MacMillan family to come in and reorganize Cargill. This was the period in which the MacMillan family started running Cargill.
Cargill also nearly went under following the 1929 U.S. stock market crash, and ensuing Great Depression. There is not a word of what happened to Cargill Co. during the depression in the History of Cargill, 1865-1945. But two forces came to the rescue: John D. Rockefeller's Chase National Bank, which sent its officer John Peterson to help run Cargill. Peterson became Cargill's top officer. The other force was a Byelorussian Jewish grain merchant, Julius Hendel, who joined the company in the late 1920s. It would seem odd at first that a European, and a Jew at that, would be admitted into the inner councils of a rock-ribbed Scottish-American firm, but this indicates the international scope of forces that shape the grain trade. Hendel would later also school Dwayne Andreas, when Andreas worked for Cargill after World War II.
During the mid-1930s, Cargill used cut-throat tactics. In September 1937, corn was a scarce commodity. The 1936 American crop had been a failure, and the new crop would not be harvested until October. Cargill bought up every available corn future, to the tune of several millions of dollars, and created a squeeze on the market. The Chicago Board of Trade ordered Cargill to sell some of its futures to relieve the squeeze. Cargill refused. The CBOT expelled Cargill from the Board of Trade. The U.S. secretary of agriculture accused Cargill of trying to destroy the American corn market.
In 1922, Cargill had opened up a New York office; in 1929, it opened an Argentine office, and it continued to expand, especially after the Second World War, as the United States exported large quantities of grain to Europe and other parts of the globe. In 1953, Cargill established Tradax International in Panama to run its global grain trade. In 1956, it set up Tradax Genève in Geneva, Switzerland, as the coordinating arm of Tradax. Tradax subsidiaries were set up in Germany (Deutsche Tradax, GmbH), England (Tradax Limited), Japan (Tradax Limited), Australia (Tradax Limited), France (Compagnie Cargill S.A.), and so forth. Thirty percent of ownership of Tradax is held by old-line Venetian-Burgundian-Lombard banking families, principally the Swiss-based Lombard, Odier, and Pictet banks. The financier for Tradax is the Geneva-based Crédit Suisse, which has been cited repeatedly for drug-money laundering. On Feb. 7, 1985, the U.S. government caught Crédit Suisse and other large banks laundering $1.2 billion in illegal money—much of it suspected drug money—to the First National Bank of Boston.
In 1977, Cargill's involvement in a "black peseta"-laundering operation at Cargill's offices in Spain was revealed.
Cargill has been repeatedly cited for "blending"—that is, adding foreign matter to its grain. For example, an export contract may allow for 8% of the grain volume that a company is exporting to be foreign matter. If Cargill's grain load is only 6% foreign matter, it will mix in dirt and gravel. A Cargill superintendent told the Kansas City Times in July 1982, "If we've got a real clean load, we'll make sure we hold it until we can mix it with something dirtier. Otherwise, we'd be throwing away money."
Cargill has expanded into every major crop and livestock on the face of the earth, in over 60 countries. It has also expanded into coal, steel (it is America's seventh largest steel producer, owning LTV), waste disposal, and metals. Today, Cargill runs one of the 20 largest commodity brokerage firms in the United States, trading on the Chicago and world markets, which is larger than those of most Wall Street brokerage houses. Another division, Cargill Investor Services, has offices throughout the United States, as well as in London, Geneva, and Zurich.
Key personnel and policy: The combined Cargill and MacMillan families of Cargill own 90% of the company's stock (the rest is owned by company executives). They are one of the ten richest families in America: According to the July 17, 1995 Forbes magazine, the combined Cargill/MacMillan families are worth $5.1 billion, making them richer than the Mellons. Whitney MacMillan, W. Duncan MacMillan, John Hugh MacMillan III, and Cargill MacMillan, Jr., are each worth $570 million.
The British connections of the MacMillan family are evident. John Hugh MacMillan II (1895-1960) was the president of Cargill from 1936 until 1957, and was chairman from 1957 until 1960. He was a hereditary Knight Commander of Justice of the Sovereign Order of St. John, the chivalric order run by the international oligarchy grouped around the Anglo-Dutch monarchy. Whitney MacMillan, chairman of Cargill from 1976 until 1994, was educated at the exclusive British-modeled Blake School (where the chairman of General Mills was also educated), and then Yale University.
Showing the link with the gangster-ridden Democratic Party of Minnesota, Walter Mondale was elected a director of Cargill.
In 1983-84, the family-controlled Cargill Foundation contributed $50,000 to the University of Chicago's monetarist Economics Department.

#2 U.S. grain trader/exporter (20% of market), and #2 world grain trader/exporter (20% of market) (according to official Continental documents). #1 U.S. exporter of soybean products and derivatives (through joint venture called Conti-Quincy Export Co.); #1 world cattle feedlot operator (7 feedlots in southwestern and plains states of United States); #1 shrimp farm in Ecuador; reportedly #2 French grain exporter; #3 owner of U.S. grain elevators; #3 or #4 U.S. animal feed manufacturer (through subsidiary Wayne Feed Division); #3 or #4 world cotton exporter; #8 Argentine grain exporter (7% of market).
Continental processes and markets 2 billion pounds of poultry, beef, pork, and seafood, along with 5 million tons of animal feeds and wheat flour. The company transports nearly 75 million tons of grains, oilseeds, rice, cotton, and energy products annually, an amount that exceeds the annual production of almost every country in the world.
Continental owns a fleet of towboats and 500 river barges. It owns over 1,500 hopper cars. It has offices and plants in 50 countries, on 6 continents.
History: Simon Fribourg founded the predecessor organization as a commodity-trading company in Arlon, Belgium in 1813. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Fribourg family went into milling, building mills in Luxembourg and Belgium, especially Antwerp, which, with its deep harbors and connections to the Rhine River, transported Fribourg flour and wheat to and from the rest of Europe. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, Michel Fribourg, a great-grandson of founder Simon, went with bags of gold to Bessarabia (today Moldova and Romania) to buy grain. This was a large grain-producing region. By 1914, the heirs of the family, under the name Fribourg Frères, moved operations to London, to capitalize on the ability to trade grain internationally. In 1920, the headquarters moved again, this time to Paris, and the company's name changed to Compagnie Continentale. Thus, 100 years after its founding in 1813, the Continental Company had established firm links into the cities and channels of the European grain trade, as well as to Australia, through London.
In 1921, the Continental Company opened an office in Chicago, and another in New York. In 1930, it leased a terminal in Galveston, Texas. During the Depression of the 1930s, the Continental Company made out like bandits. As reported in one history, the head of the family, Jules Fribourg, instructed his New York agent to buy Midwest grain elevators, which were at depressed prices, with the instructions, "Don't bother to look at them—just buy them." The Fribourgs lived very, very well. René Fribourg, the co-head of the company, lived like a Medici prince, collected gold snuff boxes and Louis XV and Louis XVI furniture, and dined off eighteenth-century china. But when the Nazi Army invaded France in June 1940, the Fribourgs fled to America.
In 1968-69, the Fribourgs, working with the Cargill company, and through an agent of the grain cartel in the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Clarence Palmby, helped destroy the American merchant fleet, by convincing President Nixon that the "50-50" provision, by which half of all American grain exports had to be carried on American vessels, should be abolished, in order to land a large Russian grain deal. Almost all of the grain went on Russian-bottom boats. Various favors paid off, for, in 1973, the Russians rewarded Continental by making an unprecedented purchase from the company of 6 million tons of grain and soybeans. The head of Continental was and remains Michel Fribourg. His personal financial adviser, Sasha Maximov, was the son of the last czarist ambassador to Constantinople, a post usually held by a Venetian agent.
In 1976, Continental was fined $500,000 for short-weighting ships. In the late 1970s, when Zaire, which was very poor, was unable to pay its bills, Continental cut off food shipments to that starving nation. In the 1970s, Continental became the first grain company to sell grain to China.
Key personnel and policy: The heir apparent of the company is Michel Fribourg's son, Paul, who, at the age of 41, is president of Continental. Michel Fribourg, great-great-grandson of Continental's founder, and his immediate family, own 90% of Continental's stock (other members of the Fribourg family own the rest). The Oct. 17, 1994 issue of Forbes magazine lists the worth of Michel Fribourg alone at $1 billion.

#1 French grain exporter; #3 world grain exporter; #4 U.S. grain exporter; #5 Argentine grain exporter (8% of market); #1 world exporter of grain to Russia.
Louis Dreyfus operates 47 vessels—bulk carriers, lakers, panamaxes, and chemical and natural gas carriers—worldwide.
History: Léopold Louis Dreyfus, who was born in Sierentz, France, set up his wheat trading operations in Basel, Switzerland, at the age of 19, in 1852. He bought wheat from Vojvodina plain, which went to Budapest, Hungary, for milling, then the milling capital of the world. He also purchased grain from Moldova and Wallachia (present-day Romania) and shipped it to Liverpool for milling. In the process, he became close friends with King Carol I of Romania, whom he charmed so much that he was appointed a councillor at the king's court. In the first decade of the 1900s, Léopold Louis Dreyfus was appointed Romania's consul to Paris.
Léopold Dreyfus also invested heavily in grain elevators and the grain trade in Odessa, Ukraine. He began importing Russian wheat into Marseilles, France. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, he was marketing grain through a network of offices in Hamburg, Bremen, Berlin, Mannheim, Duisburg, in Germany, and Paris, thus having a healthy share of the German market. Léopold Louis Dreyfus expanded into corn, barley, and other crops, and as a wholesaler of grain, dealt with Canada, Australia, and the United States. He moved to Paris, married a Florentine baroness, and ran a newspaper, L'Intransigent.
In the 1940s, the company was run by Jean, François, and Pierre Louis Dreyfus. After the Nazis liquidated France's Vichy government in 1942, Jean and François left for Argentina and Pierre for London.
Louis Dreyfus, although privately owned, is also a cooperative under French law. It owns 49% of the shares of the co-op Union Française des Céréales (UFC, better known as La Cooperative Lafayette). Under this arrangement, UFC sells French grain exclusively for itself and Dreyfus, both within the European Union and to third markets. This allows Dreyfus to obtain credit at low interest rates from the quasi-official French banking institution Crédit Agricole, which terms are not available to purely private corporations.
Louis Dreyfus also has a bank bearing its name, which in the 1970s rose to become the fifth largest private bank in France.
Key personnel and policy: The current head of the company is Gerard Louis Dreyfus. Gerard is the son of Pierre Louis Dreyfus and Pierre's first wife, who was the daughter of an American industrialist. Gerard was educated in the United States, attended Duke University, attended law school, and worked for a while at the organized crime-connected law firm Dewey Ballantine. Gerard now resides in France, and by conservative estimates, he and his immediate family are worth $0.5-1 billion.

#1 U.S. dry corn miller (through its subsidiary, Lauhoff Grain) (18% of the market); reportedly #1 Brazilian grain exporter; #2 U.S. soybean products (soymeal and soy oil) exporter; #3 U.S. grain exporter; #3 U.S. soybean processor; #4 world grain exporter; #4 U.S. grain elevator capacity; #7 Argentine grain exporter.
Bunge operates 50 grain elevators in the United States, most of them located along the Mississippi River from St. Louis to New Orleans. It also has a giant grain export elevator in Quebec City, Canada.
History: In 1750, in Amsterdam, the Bunge family had started trading hides, spices, and rubber from Dutch overseas colonies. After a century of lucrative trade in this area, in 1850, Charles Bunge moved the family business to Antwerp, Belgium. Charles's two sons established a merchant monarchy straddling the Atlantic Ocean. Edouard Bunge stayed in Antwerp, and Ernest Bunge emigrated to Argentina in 1876. With his brother-in-law George Born, Ernest established the firm Bunge and Born. In 1897, a Mannheim Jewish grain trader by the name of Alfred Hirsch joined the firm in Buenos Aires. In 1927, Hirsch became president of Bunge and Born, and held that position for 30 years.
Hirsch and others at Bunge and Born accumulated estancias—plantations of hundreds of thousands and even millions of acres of land, many in the rich soil region of the Pampas plains. The extent of Bunge and Born domination of the Argentine economy was revealed in 1974, when the Montoneros terrorists kidnapped the heirs to the firm, Jorge and Juan Born, and held them for many months. During the time that the brothers were held in captivity, they revealed that Bunge and Born not only dominated Argentina's agriculture, but also that Bunge companies produced 40% of Argentina's paint, one-third of its tin cans, 20% of its textiles, etc.
Argentine President Juan Perón attempted to suppress the power of Bunge and Born and other grain cartel companies in Argentina. When Perón became President for the first time in 1946, he moved to have the government buy the grain from the Argentine farmer and export it. The profits were used to finance the industrialization of Argentina. In 1948, he established the Institute for the Promotion of Trade (IAPI) to achieve this purpose. However, the grain cartel companies, weakened by Perón's reforms, wanted him out of power. In 1955, Perón was deposed and the IAPI system he had set up was disbanded. When Perón returned to power in 1973, he established a National Grain Board for the same purpose. Again, Perón was fiercely opposed by the grain cartel companies. He died in 1974, and was succeeded by his wife, Evita. In 1976, Evita Perón was overthrown. The National Grain Board was dismantled, and control of grain and meat exports was returned to the private grain companies.
In the meantime, Bunge diversified a large share of its capital into Brazil and the United States. However, the power of Bunge and Born is still strong in Argentina. The first two ministers of economy in the government of President Carlos Menem, were executives of Bunge and Born, first Mor Roig, and Nestor Rapanelli.
Key personnel and policy: The Born and Hirsch families, which run Bunge and Born today, are each conservatively estimated to be worth half a billion dollars.

#1 South African grain exporter; #5 world grain trader; #5 or #6 U.S. grain exporter.
History: Founded in 1877 by George André in Nyon, Switzerland. He imported hard durum wheat for pasta from Russia. The grain was unloaded at Marseilles and railed up to Switzerland. In 1937, Frederic Hediger, also Swiss, came to the United States and founded Garnac, using money from George André. Garnac became a subsidiary of the André Holding Company. In the 1970s, André was accused, along with Bunge Company, of wrecking the Spanish corn growers by importing corn at low prices into Spain from the United States. During the 1970s, after an embargo had been placed on the commercial activities of what was then Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), André helped sell Rhodesian grain on the world market through illegal channels.
Key personnel and policy: Georges André, a member of a very strict Calvinist sect, lived, until he died in 1942 at the age of 86, in an Alping chalet in Gstaad, Switzerland. His neighbor was Axel Springer, the German publishing mogul. André's three sons, Henri, Pierre, and Eric, inherited the company. The André family is conservatively estimated to be worth more than $0.5 billion.

#1 U.S. soybean crusher (between 30 and 35% of market); #1 U.S. wet corn miller (approximately 50% of market); #1 world processor of combined grain and oil seed; #1 world producer of ethanol; #1 U.S. producer of corn-based additive (60% of market); #2 U.S. flour miller (23% of market); #2 in U.S. grain elevator capacity; #3 U.S. dry corn miller, through subsidiary Krause Milling (10% of market); #5 or #6 world grain export trader (combined ADM and Töpfer) (9% of market).
ADM/Töpfer makes enough flour every year to bake 16 billion loaves of bread and enough soybean meal to feed 13 billion chickens—twice as many broilers as the United States produces.
History: In 1878, John W. Daniels began crushing flaxseed to produce linseed oil and in 1902 formed Daniels Linseed Company in Minneapolis. George A. Archer, another experienced flaxseed crusher, joined the company in 1903. In 1923, the company bought Midland Products and adopted the name Archer Daniels Midland (ADM).
In the United States, the use of the soybean had been pushed by Dr. John Harvey Kellogg, brother of the Battle Creek, Michigan cereal magnate and a leading exponent of the cultish health-food "wellness" movement. Dwayne Andreas, who was born into a Mennonite family in Decatur, Illinois in 1918, joined his father's R.P. Andreas firm in the mid-1930s. In 1936, the Andreas family changed the name of the firm to the Honeymead Company, and in 1939, Honeymead began to diversify from linseed crushing to soybean crushing. In 1945, when Dwayne Andreas thought he was about to be drafted—by this time he was chief executive officer of Honeymead—he sold 60% of the family's Honeymead to Cargill.
From 1946 through 1952, Dwayne Andreas worked for Cargill, learning how to hedge and speculate in commodities from Julius Hendel, a top European Jewish grain trader who came to the United States to help salvage Cargill from disaster in the 1930s. In 1945, Dwayne Andreas met Hubert Humphrey, who was tied into organized crime. Andreas contributed $1,000 to Humphrey's first senatorial campaign in 1948. Later, writing about this contribution, Humphrey called it a "spectacularly large amount." Humphrey and Andreas became intimate. Humphrey was godfather to Andreas's son. Former U.S. House Speaker Tip O'Neill said of Andreas, "Hubert was his first love." In 1977, Humphrey, then on the Senate Agricultural Committee, wrote legislation to establish government supports for sugar, which saved Andreas from huge losses. In the 1980s, Andreas funded a Hubert Humphrey Room at the Anti-Defamation League's new headquarters at U.N. Plaza in New York City. While Humphrey lived, Andreas and Humphrey took 85 trips together.
In 1974, ADM entered into a price-fixing scheme that overcharged the U.S. government $19 million in sales of soy-fortified food to the Food for Peace program. As one reporter commented, the money was stolen "either from the taxpayers or the starving poor, depending on which devout Mennonite perspective you prefer." ADM was convicted. In 1976, the company pleaded no contest to federal charges that it had systematically short-weighted and misgraded federally subsidized grain that was being shipped abroad.
Andreas's investment in high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS) production prospered, when the soft-drink industry bought it. By 1983, HFCS accounted for 75% of sweeteners purchased by Coca-Cola and 50% of Pepsi's sweeteners.
Andreas became deeply involved in grain sales to Russia and was active in the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Trade and Economic Council, eventually becoming USTEC's chairman. In 1984, Andreas met Mikhail Gorbachov for the first time. In 1990, Andreas contributed $1 million to create a Gorbachov Institute in the United States and Russia.
ADM purchased a 50% stake in Alfred C. Töpfer International, one of the most powerful second-tier grain cartel companies. This purchase also works the other way, with the older, Hamburg-based Töpfer Company, with extensive roots in Europe, exercising an influence over ADM. The Töpfer Company has an over 70% equity position in two French firms—Compagnie Européene des Céréales and G. Muller. The remaining shares in these companies are held by the Rothschild Group in France. These two French companies and the Töpfer Company own at least ten large grain elevators in France and Germany. Also, before the Iron Curtain came down, Töpfer controlled 50% of the grain imports into East Germany.
Andreas was always close, as a result of his friendship with Hubert Humphrey, to the organized crime-linked Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith. During the 1980s, Andreas was persuaded by another major grain trader, Burton Joseph, of the Minneapolis-based S.I. Joseph Company, to contribute $1 million to the ADL. Andreas made the payments in amounts of $50,000 to $100,000 per year.
In 1995, the U.S. Justice Department launched an investigation into fraud and anti-competitive price-fixing in ADM's handling and marketing of corn sweeteners and lysine. The latter enhances growth in chickens and hogs, while making meat leaner.
Key personnel and policy: Board of directors: Howard Buffett, vice president of ADM and son of Berkshire Hathaway (men's clothing brand) owner Warren Buffett (at the beginning of the Justice Department's investigation, Howard Buffett resigned from ADM board); Robert Strauss, George Bush's ambassador to Russia, 1991-93, and a long-time friend of Andreas. Strauss is also a member of the board of British intelligence's chief propaganda mouthpiece, the Hollinger Corp.; Brian Mulroney, former prime minister of Canada, and associated with the Hollinger Corp.; several members of the Andreas family, including Dwayne's brother Lowell Andreas, and his son, Michael Andreas, who is also ADM's vice chairman and the heir apparent.

#1 U.S. flour miller (24% of market); #1 U.S. sheep slaughterer (33% of market), through Sipco and Montfort meats; #2 U.S. beef slaughterer (20% of market); #2 U.S. pork slaughterer; #4 U.S. dry corn miller (8% of market);
History: ConAgra was founded in Omaha, Nebraska in 1919 as Consolidated Mills, a grain processor. (The name was changed to ConAgra in 1971.) In 1982, ConAgra bought the Peavey Company. Peavey, along with its Minneapolis confederates, the Pillsbury and Washburn families, dominated the milling of American flour, which came up the Mississippi River or along the railroads from the American Midwest to Minneapolis. This immediately made ConAgra America's largest flour miller. This was followed by a slew of purchases in the meatpacking industry, including Armour (1983), Northern States Beef (1985), E.A. Miller (1987), Montfort (1987), and Swift (1987).
The purchase of Montfort Meats typifies the takeovers in the meat industry. The Colorado-based Montfort Meats was America's third largest meatpacker, and an independent. In 1986, Cargill Meat Company made a bid for Spencer Beef. Montfort Meats took legal action to block the takeover, on the grounds that it would make Cargill too large in the meatpacking industry, and thus it clearly violated U.S. anti-trust laws. Even though a local court and a district court ruled in Montfort's favor, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the takeover. Fearing it was just a matter of time, and that it could not survive on its own, Montfort tendered itself for takeover to the giant ConAgra.
ConAgra also bought Elders, the largest beef producer/processor in Australia and the largest beef and lamb exporter in the world. ConAgra continued its takeover binge: Since the mid-1970s, ConAgra has acquired over 100 companies. It bought the Chung King line of foods; Beatrice Foods, including Butterball Turkeys; Peter Pan peanut butter, and others.
Major brands: Hunt's Tomato Sauce and Ketchup; Wesson Oil; Banquet TV dinners; Armour, Swift, Eckrich, and Hebrew National meats; Healthy Choice foods; Orville Redenbacher popcorn; Peter Pan peanut butter; LaChoy Chinese foods; Swiss Miss cocoa; Reddi-Whip whip cream.
Key personnel and policy: Board of directors: Dr. Ronald Roskens, president of Action International, former president of the University of Nebraska, reportedly dismissed for pedophilia, and George Bush's director of the State Department Agency for International Development; Marjorie Scardino, chief executive of the Economist Newspaper Ltd. and Economist magazine, which is jointly owned by Britain's Rothschild and Lazard Frères banking houses, both close to Britain's royal family; Charles Harper, chairman and chief executive of RJR Nabisco.

#1 U.S. beef slaughterer (26% of market); #1 U.S. pork slaughter (12% of market). IBP, the largest butcher in the world, accounts for 9 billion pounds of meat a year, or about 14% of U.S. total. Japan, which consumes half of all U.S. meat exports, is a major market for IBP.
IBP was bought in 1981 by Armand Hammer's Occidental Petroleum Corp. Occidental sold 49.5% of the company in 1987, and the remaining 50.5% of IBP in 1991. FMR Corp. is the holding company for Fidelity Mutual Funds, the largest family of mutual funds in the United States, with over $300 billion in investments. FMR Corp. is run by Boston Brahmin oligarchical families, and owns 13% of IBP's stock. FMR is also a large owner of raw material cartel companies, including shares of 5% or more in: Homestake Mining, Coeur D'Alene Mines, and Santa Fe Pacific Gold Corp., three of the largest gold-mining companies in the United States.
History: Formed in 1960 by A. Anderson and C. Holman, as Iowa Beef Processors; the first plant was in Denison, Iowa. IBP broke with tradition: It built the plant in a rural area where the cattle was raised. In 1967, it took another step: Its Dakota City, Nebraska plant cut the meat and shipped it, pre-cut, in vacuum packs to stores (called boxed beef). IBP reached a marketing agreement with Cactus Feeders, the nation's largest commercial feeder, to supply it with beef cattle. In the early 1990s, it purchased 40 hog-buying stations from Heinhold Hog, Inc. in Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska, South Dakota, and Minnesota.
IBP makes money by driving down the wages of its workforce and the price of beef paid to farmers. IBP tried to ban union wages and the union. In 1965, a strike against this IBP policy became so violent that the governor of Iowa had to intervene to settle it. A 1969-70 strike, provoked by IBP, resulted in one death. A similar pattern prevailed in the 1980s. On Aug. 15, 1995, the Wall Street Journal reported: "In May, the Immigration and Naturalization Service arrested 24 illegal aliens, who worked for an IBP contractor, at the company's Council Bluffs plant: a month earlier, 35 illegals were arrested at an IBP plant in Minnesota."
For the third quarter of 1995, IBP's net income/profit rose to $85.4 million, an increase of 74% from its net income of $49.2 million during the third quarter of 1994. But IBP's quarterly sales, for the third quarter of 1995, were virtually the same as those of the third quarter of 1994, $3.3 billion and $3 billion, respectively. So how did IBP nearly double profits on the same sales volume? By driving down the price of beef paid to the farmer. It is now $60 per hundredweight of beef, when a price of $75 to $80 is needed for cattle ranchers to break even. Cattle ranchers are not selling, because they can't afford to accept the low price.
IBP attempted to get its meat into the New York market by forming ties with the Mafia, which was exposed in trials in the 1980s.
Key personnel and policy: Board of directors: Wendy Graham, wife of the budget-cutting lunatic Sen. Phil Gramm (R-Tex.). From 1988 to 1993, Wendy Gramm was George Bush's chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, during which time derivatives holdings at large U.S. financial institutions exploded from $2.5 billion to over $20 billion. In August of this year, IBP offered free tickets and bus transportation to its employees (paid for by the Gramm campaign), if they would go to the Iowa Republican Party Presidential straw poll and vote for candidate Phil Gramm, whom IBP backs, over local favorite, Kansan Bob Dole. Also on IBP's board is Alec Courtelis, a Florida real estate developer and the nation's largest Arabian horse breeder. Courtelis was National Finance co-chairman of the 1992 Bush-Quayle campaign, and is now Finance Committee head of the Gramm for President campaign and chairman of the Armand Hammer United World College.

#1 world food company; #1 world trader in dry milk powder; #1 world trader of condensed milk; #1 seller of chocolate and confectionary products; #1 world seller of mineral water; #3 U.S. coffee firm.
In 1994, there were 13 countries in which Nestlé had 1 billion Swiss francs or more in sales; the countries (with sales in billions of Swiss francs in parenthesis): U.S. (SF 12.2); France (SF 6.5); Germany (SF 6.1); U.K. (SF 3.3); Italy (SF 3.2); Japan (SF 3.1); Brazil (SF 2.9); Mexico (SF 1.8); Spain (SF 1.8); Australia (SF 1.1); Switzerland (SF 1.1); the Philippines (SF 1.1); Canada (SF 1.0). Nestlé's has 400 manufacturing facilities on 5 continents.
History: In 1866 in Cham, Switzerland, Charles Page founded the Anglo-Swiss Condensed Milk Company. In 1867, in nearby Vevey, Henri Nestlé founded Farine Lactée Henri Nestlé. In 1905, Nestlé and the Anglo-Swiss Condensed Milk Company merged.
In 1922, a banker, Louis Dapples, took over management of the company, and eventually became chairman of Nestlé. Over the next 70-odd years, Nestlé made one takeover after another, especially during the past ten years. It controls the export of powdered milk to the developing sector.
Brand names: Nestlé's chocolate mix and chocolate milk; Nestlé's candy bars, including Crunch, Butterfinger, Kit-Kat, After Eight dinner mints; Peter-Cailler-Kohler Chocolats; Perrier, Vittel, Fuerst Bismarck, Spring, Arrowhead, and other brands of bottled mineral water; Libby fruit juices; Hills Brothers, Zoega, and Dallmayr roasted coffee; Carnation sweetened condensed milk and Carnation breakfast bars; Coffee-Mate creamer; Stouffer's restaurants, frozen foods, and other products; Findus and Surgela frozen products in Europe; Nescafe instant coffee; Taster's Choice coffee; Nestea instant tea; Buitoni spaghetti and Contadina tomato paste, sauce, and Italian food products; Friskies cat food; and Alpo dog food.
Nestlé's also owns Alcon eye products, such as Opti-Free, and 26.3% of L'Oreal, the world's largest shampoo and cosmetics company.
Key personnel and policy: Board of directors: Nestlé chairman Helmut Maucher is also on the board of J.P. Morgan Bank, British intelligence's leading bank in the United States, and Allianz Versicherung of Munich, an insurance firm; Fritz Leutwiller, who was also chairman of Swiss National Bank and, in 1982-84, of the Bank for International Settlements, the central bank of the central banks; Paul Volcker, chairman of U.S. Federal Reserve Board of Governors 1978-85, currently chairman of Blackstone Group, a Wall Street investment firm.

#1 world producer of ice cream; #1 world producer of margarine; one of the top five world exporters of dry milk powder; #1 European tea seller; #2 or #3 world producer of soaps and detergents; one of the top five world crushers of palm oil and palm kernel; one of world's largest producers of olive oil.
History: In 1885, Englishman William Lever and his brother James formed Lever Brothers. It produces Lux, Lifebuoy, Rinso, and Sunlight soaps. In the Netherlands, rival buttermakers Jurgens and Van den Berghs were pioneers in margarine production. In 1927, they created the Margarine Union, a cartel that owned the European market. In 1930, the Margarine Union and Lever Brothers merged, forming Unilever. This paralleled the merger of Royal Dutch Oil Company and Britain's Shell Transport Company at the turn of the century, to form the Royal Dutch Shell Oil Company, the world's largest. Both Unilever and Royal Dutch Shell are corporate entities that express the joint interests of the Anglo-Dutch monarchies.
Brand names: Breyers, Good Humor, Klondike, Magnum, Carte D'Or, and Popsicle brands ice cream; Bird's Eye and Iglo frozen foods; Ragú and Chicken Tonight pasta and meal sauces; Lipton Tea and Brooke Bond Tea (leading European tea company); Lipton soups; Continental Cup-a-Soup; Country Crock, Blue Bonnett, Flora, Becel and Rama margarines; Bertoli and La Masia olive oil; Wishbone salad dressing; Boursin and Milkana cheeses; Bon Vivant cookies; Pepsodent, Close-Up, and Mentadent tooth pastes; Dove, Lux, and Lever soaps; Wisk and Surf laundry detergents; Vaseline Intensive Care, Pond's Cold Cream, Elizabeth Arden, Fabergé (Brut, Chloe) and Calvin Klein skin care cosmetics.
Key personnel and policy: Board of directors: Lord Wright of Richmond, GCMG, from 1986-91, permanent undersecretary of state at the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office and head of the Diplomatic Service, also a director of Barclay's Bank; Sir Derek Birkin, from 1985-91, chairman of London-based RTZ (Rio Tinto Zinc), the world's second largest mining company, in which the Queen of England has a substantial investment; Frits Fentener Van Vlissingen, from 1974 through 1991, member of the Supervisory Board of the giant Rotterdam Bank of the Netherlands; Sir Brian Hayes, former permanent secretary of Britain's Ministry of Agriculture; Viscount Leverhulme, KGTD, grandson of William Lever, largest stockholder in Unilever, and funder and builder of Prince Philip's World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), the coordinating arm for British intelligence.

#2 world food company; #1 U.S. food company (10¢ of every $1 Americans spend on branded food items in the United States is for a Philip Morris/Kraft food product); #1 world processed cheese seller; #1 world cream cheese seller; #1 U.S. seller of luncheon meats; #1 U.S. seller of powdered soft drinks; #1 world cigarette producer; #1 U.S. and Japan cigarette producer (44.8% of U.S. market); #2 U.S. beer brewer, through Miller Brewing; #3 world beer brewer; #3 world confectionery business; #3 U.S. breakfast cereal company (Post cereals).
History: In 1847, Philip Morris opened a London tobacco store, and by 1854 he was making his own cigarettes. In 1919, U.S. financier George Whelan purchased the rights to market Philip Morris brands such as Marlboro, Ovals, Players, and Cambridge. Ten years later, Whelan's successor began manufacturing the cigarettes in Richmond, Virginia.
In 1985, Philip Morris bought General Foods, producer of Jello brand gelatin and Post cereals, for $5.75 billion. In 1988, Philip Morris spent $12.9 billion to acquire Kraft Foods.
Brand names: Kraft Products, such as Kraft Mayonnaise and Miracle Whip and Kraft cheese; Velveeta; Philadelphia Cream Cheese; Dairylea; Cool Whip; Post cereals; Entenmann's Cookies; Jello; Kool-Aid, Country Time, Crystal Light and Tang powdered drinks; Maxwell House, Sanka, Maxim, Gevalia, Jacobs, Kaffe Hag, and Carte Noire coffees; Milka and Toberlone confectionery chocolates and candies; Jacobs Suchard, a Swiss maker of chocolate and coffee (Philip Morris bought it in 1990; Jacobs Suchard is one of the ten largest European food companies); Tombstone Pizza; Miller, Miller Lite, Molson, Lowenbrau, Red Dog beers; Oscar Mayer, Louis Rich, Simmenthal and Negroni lunch meats; Lender's Bagels; Budget Gourmet frozen dinners; Shake N' Bake; Stove Top Stuffing; Log Cabin syrup; Good Seasons salad dressing; Marlboro, Lark, Philip Morris, Benson and Hedges, Chesterfield, Virginia Slims, Merit cigarettes.
Key personnel and policy: Board of directors: Rupert Murdoch, chairman of the News Corporation. The Australian-born Murdoch runs major propaganda organs for the British, including his company's flagship newspapers, the Times and Sunday Times of London; Richard Parsons, president of Time Warner. The publisher of Time magazine and of Warner records, Time Warner is partially owned by the mob Bronfman family of Seagram's Liquor, which family is reputedly a major force in the world's illegal narcotic trade; Stephen Wolf, senior adviser of Lazard Frères investment bank.
Philip Morris is one of the largest corporate sponsors of Prince Philip's WWF. It is one of the largest smugglers of illegal cigarettes, both for sale and as barter for other illegal goods. It has been cited repeatedly in the Italian press as one of the world's largest marijuana dealers

World Food Shortages Crisis Follows Decades of Imposed Import-Dependency

This article appeared as part of a feature in the December 8, 1995 issue of Executive Intelligence Review. See Feature Introduction and Table of Contents.

World Food Shortages Crisis Follows
Decades of Imposed Import-Dependency

by John Hoefle and Marcia Merry Baker
The current world food crisis is usually portrayed as a grains shortages crisis. Annual world grains output (grains of all kinds, including wheat, corn, barley, millet, rice, etc.) has stagnated, or declined, to around 1,900 million tons or less for the past five years (see Figure 1), at a time when, based on 1980s population figures, over 3,000 million tons of grains produced annually is required to ensure that dietary needs are met globally. There is something radically wrong when the total of the world's grains harvested stagnates, or drops.

The picture is even worse on a per-capita basis (see Figure 2). For everyone to have decent daily rations, whatever the relative percentages of cereals, animal proteins, and the other food groups that anyone's dietary preferences dictate, there needs to be well over 14 bushels of grains available in the world food chain per person, on average. But millions are without even their daily bread. For millions, there are fewer than 10 bushels of grain per capita in the food chain.

Production is below 1980s level of use

An indication of just how low annual grains output is, is that production is below the average utilization level of the 1980s (see Figure 1). Today's global grains output of about 1,900 million tons a year, means that annual grains output is dropping below the level of yearly global grains utilization (for direct human consumption, livestock feed, seed, and all other uses) which existed for several years in the 1980s (see EIR, Sept. 15, 1995). This means that more and more people don't have the food they need. And whatever stocks of grains were on hand in recent years as carryover from harvest to harvest or reserves for emergencies, have been, relatively speaking, wiped out. Only in exceptional places, such as India, are there, at present, significant reserves.
Today, world grains carryover stocks are at the same absolute levels they were 20 years ago. Stocks have dropped from 460-490 million metric tons in the late 1980s, down to less than 250 million tons projected for year-end 1995—the level of stocks in 1969.
The only reason that there are stocks reported at all is that consumption itself (for livestock feed, cereals consumption, etc.) is declining. This has been apparent for the past few years.
If this grains gap is obvious on the crude scale of world tonnage statistics, it is even more manifest at the local level, where there are millions of undernourished people at points of need around the globe.
Thus, the situation in grains production and shortages is a good marker of the overall food crisis. Dozens of countries, with millions of people, have gone from national self-sufficiency in basic grains, to dependency on imports or donated cereals aid. And now the grain isn't there. Figure 3 shows the decline in annual global food aid in grains from the World Food Program over the past 10 years, from a peak of 15 million tons, down to little more than 7 million tons this year.

Decline in national food self-sufficiency

The decline in national food self-sufficiency for certain food items is shown in Table 1 for 15 selected countries at two points in time, 1963 and 1990. The countries analyzed include the 13 nations specified in National Security Study Memorandum 200 (NSSM-200), prepared under Henry Kissinger in 1974 (see article), plus the former U.S.S.R. and China (see Figure 4). All 15 nations are hereafter called the "targetted" group.

By 1990, there were significant drops in food self-sufficiency over the prior 27-year period. Look first at cereals (Table 1, column one). In 1963, Mexico was 100% self-sufficient in grains output; it was a grains-exporting nation. As of 1990, Mexico was only 79% self-sufficient, i.e., a grains importing nation. The situation is even worse today.

Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, Brazil was about 90% self-sufficient in cereals in 1963, but dropped to 76% self-sufficient in 1990. Colombia remained about the same, staying at only 86-87% self-sufficient. Other nations in Ibero-America (not shown), saw drastic declines in basic grains self-sufficiency. For example, Haiti, in 1970, was close to 95% self-sufficient; but, as of 1990, self-sufficiency had dropped down to 45%.
In Africa, Egypt was 84% self-sufficient in cereals production in 1963, and only 62% self-sufficient in 1990. Ethiopia was over 100% self-sufficient in grains supply in 1963, and dropped down to 81% self-sufficient in 1990. Nigeria remained at 99% self-sufficiency in grains the entire period, but, as will be shown below, grains declined markedly as a component of the daily diet. Other locations in Africa saw drastic declines in grain self-sufficiency. For example, Algeria was 76% self-sufficient in grains in 1970; in 1990, Algeria was only 44% self-sufficient.
On the Asian subcontinent, the cereals self-sufficiency ratios show no declines for India, which went from 96% to 105% over 1963 to 1990, and Pakistan, which stayed at the 93-95% level. India has managed to stockpile as much as 40 million tons of grains as of year-end 1995, and may undertake certain exports. However, Bangladesh has gone from 106% grains self-sufficiency in 1963, down to 87%, and is subject to wide swings from year to year in grains supplies.
In Southeast Asia, wide annual swings in staple grains are also now common. In 1963, Indonesia was 89% self-sufficient in cereals; in 1990, it was 100% self-sufficient. But in several years since then, it has fallen back to rely on imports. Similarly, the Philippines stayed at 80-83% self-sufficiency levels for 1963 and 1990, but in recent years has seen growing dependency because of shortfalls in rice. Thailand, from which the cartel trading companies export many kinds of commodities (corn, livestock feed, meat, processed foods, etc.), was 159% self-sufficient in cereals in 1963, and 131% in 1990.
In Western Asia, Turkey was 113% self-sufficient in grains in 1963, and was still 99% self-sufficient in 1990.
China, throughout the period, was 95-100% self-sufficient in grains, with changes from year to year from being a net importer or exporter.
The Soviet Union, likewise, remained grains import-dependent throughout the 1963-90 period, showing about 87-89% cereals self-sufficiency.

Grains supply is misleading

However, restricting the food crisis to the metric of the grains supply situation is a deliberately misleading practice (see article) which leaves out the essentials of the crisis that has come, over the past 30 years, to extend throughout the entire national agricultural sectors and food supply systems.
Many of these 15 nations also became supply-short and import-dependent, i.e., experienced food self-sufficiency declines, for other basics in their diet. Also shown in Table 1 are pulses (peas, beans), oils (tropical, olive, corn, or other vegetable fats), and milk (including dairy products other than butter).
Note the sharp declines in food self-sufficiency in non-grains diet staples. For example, for pulses, Mexico dropped in self-sufficiency from 104% in 1963 down to 85% in 1990; in oils, from 110% down to 57%; and in milk, from 87% self-sufficiency down to 68%. Brazil became a source of soybean oil exports over this period—for the cartel companies.
Egypt's self-sufficiency in pulses and oils declined. Nigeria, which had been a source of cartel tropical oils exports, experienced a decline as well. In 1963, Nigeria was 207% self-sufficient in oils, and in 1990, only 102% self-sufficient.
On the Indian Subcontinent of Asia, note the declines in Bangladesh's self-sufficiency in pulses and milk between 1963 and 1990.
In Southeast Asia, various patterns are apparent. The Philippines dropped in self-sufficiency from 97% to 47% in pulses, and also declined as a source of tropical oils commodities for cartel export.
China remained relatively the same in self-sufficiency for these staples. And, likewise, Turkey and the former U.S.S.R. did not experience radical changes.
Overall, the increase in food import-dependency during 1963-90, although hailed by United Nations officials and the commodities cartel-backed "experts" and others as reflecting geographical "competitive advantages," "consumers' rights to access world markets," or other such euphemisms, in fact, reflects the impact of successive years of International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionalities and Bretton Woods policies, in which developing nations were denied the means to build up needed agricultural infrastructure (energy, water, transport, handling, storage, processing) to provide for national food supplies.
Over this period, nutrition levels have dropped in most countries, as nations were increasingly forced into food import-dependency. At the same time, cartel commodities companies made a killing in profits off of their domination over both the export-import trade, and domestic food processing and distribution.
The deficits in food supplies shown in the food self-sufficiency ratios in Table 1, are not measured against what people ought to be eating for a decent diet, but rather, merely show what part of their diet, however inadequate, is imported. Look at what this means in the case of Mexico.
Figures 5 and 6 show the drop in cereals self-sufficiency in Mexico from 1970 to 1994, and the drop in per-capita cereals consumption (whether for direct consumption, or via the animal protein cycle) over the same time period. It is estimated that up to one-third of the Mexican population is now suffering some form of malnutrition. In the spring of 1995, the federal government declared 12 official hunger zones in the republic.

Start from food use profiles

To provide an overview of the world food crisis, apart from any one food commodity, one country, one crop season or harvest, we here publish a series of figures based on the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization agricultural database. The figures take 14 basic food groups common to most countries' diets, and their tonnages in terms of annual supplies, over the time period approximately 1960-90, in terms of several ratios, including production compared to "supply" (the quantity available from production, plus the net adjustment of stocks, plus the net adjustment for imports and exports), and production and supply per capita.
The 14 food groups are listed in Table 2. For purposes of comparison, we have not listed seafoods.

We begin by looking at the world profile of annual utilization of the total tonnages of these 14 food groups, and major geographic regions. We then proceed to look at the food supply and import-dependency ratios on a per-capita and national basis for two selected groups of nations, as explained below.
Figure 7 shows the total tonnages of annual use of the 14 selected food groups, from 1961 to 1990, in terms of how much tonnage goes for feed (food for livestock), food (direct human consumption, the largest tonnage), "other" uses (ranging from using biomass for fuel, to plastics), processing (intermediate stages of food preparation), seed, and waste.

The increase from less than 3 billion tons of basic food commodities in the food supply to close to 6 billion tons over the roughly 30-year period, comes out to a change per capita of from about 2,050 pounds of food commodities per person in 1963, to about 2,200 pounds per person in 1990. However, on a regional and national scale, the volumes and ratios differ greatly.
The next series of figures (Figures 8 through 15) show the food supply utilization profiles for major geographic regions—the Western Hemisphere, western and eastern Europe, Africa, the Middle East, the Indian Subcontinent, and East Asia.

Some of the most striking differences, even at this gross level of aggregation, are noted, taking each of the uses for food commodities in order shown on the graphics.
  • Feed for livestock. North America and Europe show relatively the largest volume of agricultural commodities going into livestock feed. In contrast, very little goes for livestock feed in Africa or in the Indian subcontinent.

  • Food. Africa shows the highest relative share of food going for direct human consumption. This reflects the extensive subsistence production of cassava and various grains, that do not go through even intermediate processing.

  • Other uses. Extensive use of agricultural commodities for non-food or feed uses show up dramatically in the Americas. Beginning in the 1970s, the use of sugar cane and other biomass for alcohol fuel, e.g., "gasohol," was initiated on a large scale in Brazil. In the United States, beginning in the late 1970s and increasingly up to the present, corn has been processed for ethanol.

  • Processed. The regions show differences in the degree of intermediate processing of food commodities, with the least processing being done in Africa and the Middle East.

  • Seed. The necessary volumes of seed for the annual crops cycles are shown for each geographic region.

  • Waste. Relatively the largest volume of food commodities wasted shows up in Africa and in eastern Europe. What this reflects is the absence of protection—storage facilities, pesticides and other chemicals, refrigeration, and transportation. Loss rates to waste add up to 40% in many tropical regions.

Who eats, and who doesn't?

For a closer look at the food supplies crisis, we focused on two groups of countries (see Figure 4) for five points in time from 1963 to 1990. There are the "targetted" nations, the 13 designated in the Kissinger NSSM-200, plus China and the former U.S.S.R. In contrast, there are the "export source" countries—the United States, Canada, Australia, France, South Africa, and Argentina. These latter six nations together are the origin for a large percentage of the total tonnages of food products that the commodities cartels control and use to dominate world trade and food supplies (see article).
Compare Figure 16 with Figure 17, and you see that, per capita, the levels of food production and supply are about the same in the "targetted" nations; but in the "export source" group of nations, production far exceeds supply.
Moreover, the level of production and supply in the targetted nations is less than a metric ton per capita per year, whereas in the "export source" nations, there are about 1.75 tons of food supply per capita per year.
Over 1963-90, there is an increase in the per-capita production and supply levels in the targetted countries, from 0.7 metric tons in 1963 up to 0.9 tons in 1990, but the targetted nations group never comes close to even the 1963-67 level of supplies per capita in the "export source" nations.
Furthermore, Figure 18 shows the food production per capita in each of the six "export source" nations. Look at the high tonnages in Australia and Canada, in particular—the Commonwealth nations used as postwar "granary" economies for London-interlocked commodities cartels.

Now look at certain individual nations in the other group, the "targetted" nations, in terms of levels of production relative to supply (Figures 19 to 23). Shown are Mexico, Nigeria, Bangladesh, India, and China. In none of these nations does production or supply come near that of the "export source" nations.

Diet deteriorates

While Figures 19 to 23 indicate how low the absolute tonnages of food production and supplies are in the targetted nations, the deterioration in the composition of the diet can be seen by looking in more detail at the constituent food groups that make up the diet. Look, for example, at Nigeria.
Figure 24 shows the relative percentages of the different food groups that make up the total annual food utilized in the country, in 1963, and then in 1990. We are looking at production, because it is about equivalent to supply in Nigeria.

The largest component is starchy roots, about 56% of the diet in 1963. In 1990, this has gone up to almost 67% of the diet. Mostly, this is cassava, which, along with a variety of companion foods, is part of West African cuisines. However, the increased use of cassava from 1963 to 1990 reflects not a dietary preference, but rather a forced reliance on the root vegetable as a heavy-bearing crop, on which people can subsist, i.e., it's filling, but not nutritious.
This monoculture reliance is labeled a "success story" by cartel-affiliated groups active in promoting cassava in Nigeria and Zaire, such as, for example, the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture and the International Food Policy Research Institute.
What is shown as the "other" segment on the Nigeria food charts, is the total of all 12 other food types. In 1990, this included 5.4% vegetables; 3.5% fruits; 2% peas and beans; 1.6% sugar crops; 1% meats, and even lesser amounts of the remaining food groups.
For comparison, look at the shares of different food groups in the U.S. diet in 1967 (Figure 25). This shows supply, not production, because the United States is a cartel "export source" nation. The most striking feature of the U.S. food supply, is the variety and quantity of many different foods.

For further comparison, look at the relative shares of food groups in the food supply in China, in 1963 and in 1990 (Figure 26).

Burden of producing food

These data document the worsening inadequacies in the food supplies of many nations, from the 1960s to the present. But, producing the food supply, however inadequate in amount and make-up, nevertheless involves most of the time and effort of the populations in the "targetted" group of nations.
One measure of the burden of producing the daily diet is the relatively large percentage of workers engaged in agriculture, as opposed to manufacturing, construction, and socially necessary tasks such as education, transport, and other infrastructure. Figure 27 shows agricultural workers as a percentage of the total work force, for five time periods, from 1963 to 1990, for the United States and the two economic groups of the study.

Over 70% of the work force of the "targetted" nations were in the agricultural sector in 1963; and during the subsequent three-decade period of increasing world food import-dependency, and poorer diets, this percentage fell to only about 58%. Moreover, for most countries, this does not reflect greater agricultural productivity gains, but rather a dispossession of farm populations, and their migration into the shanty camps of urban areas.
In the United States, the percentage of the work force in agriculture dropped from 5% in 1963 to under 3% by 1990. In the "export source" nations overall, the percentage of workers in agriculture dropped from 11% in 1963, down to 4.5% by 1990.
In the next installment of this EIR series on food import-dependency and free trade, we will show in detail the lack of necessary ratios of inputs (fertilizers, mechanization, transport, and other infrastructure) that characterizes the agriculture sectors over the past 30 years.

This article appeared as part of a feature in the December 8, 1995 issue of Executive Intelligence Review. See Feature Introduction and Table of Contents.

The Cartel `Experts'
Decide Who Eats

by Charles Tuttle and Marcia Merry Baker
Among the most prominent of the so-called experts on food and agriculture policy that you are likely to see yakking in your newspaper and on television, are Lester Brown and Dennis Avery. Their notoriety does not reflect aggressive public relations work, but rather the fact that these individuals are the figureheads for 20-year-old propaganda machines that are "approved" and bought and paid for by the commodities cartel interests.
Brown, who heads up the Washington, D.C.-based Worldwatch Institute, and Avery, head of the Virginia-based Center for Global Food Issues, a division of the Indianapolis-based Hudson Institute, are usually portrayed, like Punch and Judy, as having opposing viewpoints, usually "left" and "right," respectively. However, they serve the same interests, and their job is to lecture, travel, and issue reports on food, agriculture, and related matters, in such a way as to manipulate public opinion favorably to cartel interests.
The characteristic Brown line is that world population numbers have exceeded the world's natural resources base, and population must be cut. And to "save" the world's environment, Brown demands that the use of advanced agriculture technology be limited to only certain people and places (determined by the food commodities cartel companies).
The characteristic Avery line is that the world can support billions more people, as long as free trade rights are extended to certain people and companies (of the food cartels), which will provide the needed food. He sings the praises of biotechnology, i.e., the particular advances whose use and patent rights are controlled by the cartel companies.
What Brown, Avery, and others like them have in common, is that they never name the names of the individuals, corporations, and entities that gain from food commodities control. Both Brown and Avery were created as bogus food "authorities," by these interests.
Here we provide the background, funding, and pedigree of Brown and Avery, and report on some of their propaganda activities in 1994-95.

Lester Brown

Lester Russell Brown has been president of the Worldwatch Institute since its creation in 1974. Often called "Dr. Doom," or "God's Scorekeeper," Brown's entire career is associated with Worldwatch Institute, which was created for propaganda purposes. Brown was born in New Jersey in 1934, and was elevated into his role as an "agriculture authority" as a young man in Washington, D.C. in the 1960s.
Funding: The 1974 start-up grant for Worldwatch Institute was $500,000 provided by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. The chief funders of Worldwatch over the succeeding years include the following foundations: Ford, Rockefeller, John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur, Andrew W. Mellon, [Ted] Turner, William and Flora Hewlett, Charles Stewart Mott, Geraldine R. Dodge, Edward John Noble, W. Alton Jones, Curtis and Edith Munson, Frank Weeden, Energy, George Gund, Surdna, Public Welfare, and Edna McConnell Clark.
Other Worldwatch funding agencies include the U.N. Environment Program, the U.N. Population Fund, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Winthrop Rockefeller Trust, the Lynn R. and Karl E. Pickett Fund, the Robert R. McCormick Charitable Trust, and the Pew Charitable Trusts.
Associations: Brown is a member of the following groups: New York Council on Foreign Relations, Zero Population Growth, Common Cause, and World Future Society. He is a board member of the Institute of 21st Century Studies, the Population Reference Bureau; and an advisory council member of the Commission of National Institutions for the Environment. He is on the advisory committee of the Institute of International Economics, a consulting group run by C. Fred Bergsten of the Trilateral Commission, which acts in close association with the International Monetary Fund.
Education: B.S. from Rutgers University; masters degree in agriculture economics from the University of Maryland, 1959; masters degree in public administration from Harvard University, 1962.
Background: Brown worked at the U.S. Department of Agriculture in Washington, D.C. in 1959-69, starting out as an analyst for international agriculture in 1959-63, and otherwise working in the USDA Foreign Agriculture Service. During this period, Brown was groomed for service by Secretary Orville L. Freeman.
Freeman, secretary of agriculture in the 1960s, was in turn beholden—as he is to the present day—to the London-centered financial and food commodities interests operating out of Minnesota, Freeman's home state. Freeman started out as a lawyer in 1947, and was elected governor in 1955. He was part of the Hubert Humphrey political machine, including all its connections to organized crime and international free trade. Freeman has served as chairman of the Worldwatch Institute's board of directors for its entire 20 years, and serves on many similar boards, for example, the Club of Rome-linked World Future Society. The World Future Society is one of the biggest proponents of the insane "Third Wave" theory that society has gone into a post-industrial epoch, peddled by Alvin Toffler and Newt Gingrich.
In 1964-66, Brown was given the role of adviser on foreign agriculture policy to Agriculture Secretary Freeman. Then, after another Freeman appointment, Brown served as administrator of the USDA International Development Service in 1966-69. Brown went on to help found and work with the Overseas Development Council (ODC), started in 1969 with the backing of many private corporations, foundations, and individuals; Freeman was on the board, James P. Grant was president, and Theodore Hesburgh was chairman of the board. Brown calls this period with the ODC (1969-74) "the beginning of 26 rewarding years spent on Massachusetts Avenue's 'think-tank row.' "
Worldwatch chroniclers like to cite a specific discussion that Brown had with William Dietel, vice-president of the Rockefellers Brothers Fund, at the Aspen Institute in Aspen, Colorado in the summer of 1973, as the point of origin of the founding of Worldwatch. They cite the men's "shared common interests in forming a small research institute to do integrated study and analysis of global issues," specifically environmental and environmentally related issues.
During the early 1970s, Brown was active in many locations. He was faculty member, Salzburg Seminar in American Studies, summers 1971 and 1974; guest scholar, Aspen Institute, summers 1972-74. (He was MacArthur Foundation fellow in 1986.) In 1974, the Worldwatch Insitute was officially created.
These Aspen Institute links are critical. Aspen was founded by Robert Maynard Hutchins, the longtime chancellor of the University of Chicago, who was the leading American ally of the late Lord Bertrand Russell, the international socialist who advocated the elimination of science and the systematic elimination of the darker-skinned races. To this day, Aspen is one of the leading Malthusian policy snake-pits in the world, peddling the idea of "food as a weapon."
Awards: 1965 USDA Superior Service award; 1965 Arthur S. Flemming award, for one of 10 outstanding young men in federal government; 1981 A.H. Boerma award of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization; 1982 National Wildlife Federation Special Conservation award; 1985 Lorax award of Global Tomorrow Coalition (the group associated with the Malthusian Donald Lesh and Club of Rome); 1986 MacArthur Foundation "Genius" fellowship award; 1989 World Wide Fund for Nature International award; 1989 U.N. Environment Prize; 1991 American Humanist Association, "Humanist of the Year"; 1991 Pro Mundo Habitabili award of King Carl XVI Gustav of Sweden.
Markers: During the 1960s, Brown cultivated the reputation for being the "whiz kid" who could connect the issues of population growth rates with food availability. Orville Freeman and other mentors of Brown realized that in Brown, they had a pliable personality who could be counted upon to make the issue of population limitation the "big issue" for agriculture.
For example, Brown counts among his greatest accomplishments, working with Freeman in the 1960s, in their efforts to persuade the U.S. government to insist upon fundamental changes in India's food policy as a condition for food shipments from United States.
Brown's claim to fame in economics? His specialty is to assemble and cite any incident or statistics, from which he can adduce whatever his backers want to hear. An early example, the chroniclers report, dates from when Brown made a tour to India in the 1960s. He showed his self-professed "knack for putting together a lot of bits and pieces of information no self-respecting State Department analyst would use," and he produced arguments and "predictions" of an imminent countrywide drought and threat to the food supply, based on reports such as one from a duck hunter that his favorite lake had dried up.
Author: Publications include:
1963 "Man, Land and Food: Looking Ahead at World Food Needs," (USDA-FAS study, tying global agriculture forecasts to population growth forecasts)
1965 Increasing World Food Output
1970 Seeds of Change
1972 World Without Borders
1974 In the Human Interest
1974 By Bread Alone, with Erik P. Eckholm, for the Overseas Development Council
1978 The Twenty-Ninth Day: Accommodating Human Needs and Numbers to the World's Resources
1981 Building a Sustainable Society
1995 Who Will Feed China? Wake-up Call for a Small Planet
Editor: 1988-, WorldWatch magazine; co-editor, 1991, Saving the Planet: How to Shape an Environmentally Sustainable Global Economy; 1984-, State of the World annual reports, now issued in 26 languages, in multi-thousands of copies.

Dennis Avery

Dennis Avery has been, since 1989, the director of the Center for Global Food Issues, part of the Hudson Institute, for which he also serves as senior fellow. Avery resides as a "gentleman" horse and cattle rancher near Swope, Virginia.
Funding: The operations and policy of the Hudson Institute are funded by foundations including: the Charles Stewart Mott, John M. Olin, Harry and Lynde Bradley, Carthage, Sarah Scaife, Starr, Smith Richardson, JM, General Mills, and Bristol-Myers Squibb. Funding also comes from the Pew Charitable Trusts, the Lilly Endowment Inc., Sandoz Corp., ConAgra Inc., Archer Daniels Midland, Philip Morris Companies Inc., IMC Fertilizer Inc., Louis Dreyfus Corp., British Petroleum Oil Company, Pfizer Inc., Amway Corp., Sunkist Growers Inc., E.I. du Pont de Nemours and Co., Exxon Corp., Procter and Gamble Company, David H. Koch, Richard Dennis (who funds many Libertarian causes, including the Drug Policy Foundation which backs drug legalization), and Jay Van Andel (of Amway Corp., also a big funder of the Heritage Foundation).
Background: Avery received a B.A. degree in agricultural economics from Michigan State University in 1957, and an M.S. from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1959. He worked as an editor at the USDA in Washington, D.C., in 1959-67, and 1969-71. He was a staff member of the U.S. Food and Fiber Commission, 1967-68. In 1971-74, he was a policy analyst for the USDA. In 1974-80, he was assistant to the vice-chairman, U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission, in Washington, D.C. In 1980-88, Avery was chief analyst for global agricultural issues at the U.S. Department of State. He was an analyst for World Perspectives in Washington, D.C. in 1988-89. Avery is a member of the National Association of Business Economists.
Author: Publications include:
1968 Food and Fiber for the Future
1991 Global Food Progress
1993 "Biodiversity: Saving Species with Biotechnology" (brief)
1993 "Frontline Perpetuates Pesticide Myths" (article)
1994 "The Organic Threat to People and Wildlife" (brief)
1994 articles: "Boosting Crop Yields Saves Wildlife," "Hi-Yield Farming and Wildlife Preservation Change Terms of the Environmental Debate," "Avery Tackles Dr. Gloom at Senate Hearing," "Fighting Famine Is Politically Incorrect," "Saving the Planet with Pesticides and Plastic: The Environmental Triumph of High-Yield Farming."
Editor of the Hudson Institute's Global Food Quarterly.

The propaganda conferences

Through publications, conferences, and media events, Lester Brown, Dennis Avery, and others in their networks keep up a barrage of hokum for the gullible.
In June, Brown was among the featured speakers at a Washington, D.C. conference, hosted by the International Food Policy Research Institute (based in Washington, and founded in 1975 as part of the Kissinger-era food control politics), where Avery restated his customary theme that the world's population has exceeded the "carrying capacity" of its resource base. Later in the year, Brown toured Asia to trumpet this theme, and to focus on China as the "face of the enemy" in terms of producing too many hungry mouths that will threaten to consume the world's scarce food supplies. To underline this, he released his 160-page tract, Who Will Feed China? Wake Up Call for a Small Planet. In October, Brown spoke on the need for population reduction in Quebec City at the 50th anniversary of the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization.
As the loyal opposition, Avery also attended a food conference in Beijing this fall, along with George Bush (who is associated with the British food cartels), and spoke at numerous Washington, D.C. conferences; for example, a September conference of U.S. dairy farm interests, heavily lobbied by the British company Grand Metropolitan ("Good Humor") and Philip Morris ("Kraft"). Avery's refrain is that billions more people can be fed. In particular, his theme is that the Pacific Rim will offer an export boom market for the United States. But his unstated theme is that free trade and cartel food control must be absolute. In particular, he demands that Asian nations better open their domestic markets to private international companies, or else. A quick review of last year's conferences shows how the Brown and Avery vaudeville act works.

1994 conferences

The year started off with the release in January of the Worldwatch annual "State of the World 1994," preceded, as usual, by a press "briefing" in December 1993. The usual notes were struck about population exceeding food supply capacity, etc. The report was released in each of 26 languages, in several thousand copies, all designed to shape both public and scholarly opinion. It became required reading in hundreds of colleges.
Throughout the year, Brown authored various statements on how population has exhausted resources, that were released to media as opinion columns, in particular, before the Cairo U.N. Population Conference, whose backers are the same as those of Worldwatch.
Enter Avery. He, too, authored dozens of columns and releases in 1994, in apparent opposition to Brown, saying, "Billions more people can easily be fed." But a look at a 1994 Hudson Institute conference on the subject shows what a sham their pro-population, pro-technology position is.
Called "The Greatest Opportunity in Farming History," the conference was held in Indianapolis, Indiana, the headquarters of the Hudson Institute since it moved from New York, where it was founded in 1961 by Herman Kahn (known as "Mega-Death" Kahn for his advocacy of the usefulness of nuclear war).
The official host groups were the Competitiveness Center and the Center for Global Food Issues of the Hudson Institute.
The financial sponsors were top cartel firms, including Cargill, Inc., ConAgra, Sunkist, AGP Cooperative, Inc., Countrymark Cooperative, Inc., DowElanco, and Miles Laboratories.
The theme of the conference was that free trade must be expanded (beyond even the North American Free Trade Agreement and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, or GATT), which, it was argued, would allow international "competition" in farming, through which, from interventions of selected biotechnological and other high-technology inputs, plenty of food would be produced for future billions of people. Former Vice President Dan Quayle gave the conference keynote on "American Agriculture as a Growth Opportunity"; he called free trade the friend of the U.S. farmer. Other speakers included Paul Faeth, economist from the World Resources Institute; Dean Kleckner, head of the American Farm Bureau; and many former USDA officials. All made special pleas for the rights of the food cartel (euphemistically called "U.S. national interest") to operate freely, outside any national controls.
In particular, Avery and the Hudson Institute-cartel crowd demand exclusive control over present and future biotechnology breakthroughs. They demand the arrogation of sweeping patent rights and exclusive "intellectual property" rights, to be enforced under the GATT Uruguay Round and World Trade Organization, to control innovations in food and fiber from seed to table.
For example, the cartel company W.R. Grace, in October 1992, received patent rights to all genetically engineered cotton, of any type, by any means, produced in the United States until the year 2008. Grace is thus entitled to a royalty on any plant or seed of genetically engineered cotton, the fourth-highest-value U.S. crop, no matter how the genetic matter was introduced or by whom. Similarly, Monsanto has a sweeping patent for engineered wheat.